3'S dos megaeventos esportivos - soft power, sportswashing, sports diplomacy: as Copas do Mundo dos BRICS e Catar / 3'S of sporting mega-events - soft power, sportswashing, sports diplomacy: the BRICS and Qatar World Cups / Los 3 de los megaeventos deportivos - soft power, sportswashing, sports diplomacy: las Copas Mundiales de los BRICS y Qatar

Neste artigo busca-se analisar a forma como os países dos BRICS e Catar utilizaram os megaeventos esportivos como discurso de ampliação da sua influência política. Para isso o artigo discute (a) a esfera pública e suas interfaces no esporte; (b) as Copas de 2010 a 2022, como exemplos de Soft Power, Sportswashing e Sports Diplomacy. Como estrutura analítica faz-se uma interface entre os estudos que discutiram o papel da mídia ocidental durante os eventos e os 3'S da FIFA. O argumento central reside no protagonismo da FIFA durante o ciclo das Copas em países do sul global e a existência de um modus operandi FIFA nas últimas quatro Copas.

This article seeks to analyze how the BRICS countries and Qatar used sporting mega-events as a discourse to expand their political influence. For this, the article discusses (a) the public sphere and its interfaces in sport; (b) the 2010 to 2022 World Cups, as examples of Soft Power, Sportswashing and Sports Diplmacy. As an analytical structure, an interface will be made between the studies that discussed the role of the western media during the events and the 3'S of FIFA. The central argument resides in FIFA's role during the World Cup cycle in countries of the global south and the existence of a FIFA modus operandi in the last four World Cups.

Este artículo busca analizar cómo los países BRICS y Qatar utilizaron los megaeventos deportivos como discurso para expandir su influencia política. Para ello, el artículo discute (a) la esfera pública y sus interfaces en el deporte; (b) las Copas del Mundo de 2010 a 2022, como ejemplos de Soft Power, Sportswashing y Sports Diplmacy. Como estructura analítica, se realizará una interfaz entre los estudios que discutieron el papel de los medios occidentales durante los eventos y los 3'S de FIFA. El argumento central reside en el papel de la FIFA durante el ciclo mundialista en los países del sur global y la existencia de un modus operandi de la FIFA en las últimas cuatro Copas del Mundo.

Actualizing societal membership in imaginary interaction: The "real construction of society" in the opening of current affairs TV discussion.

The wonder of modern mass-scale society has preoccupied sociological theorists for centuries. How does the whole live on and function? At the extreme of strong empirical traditions, conversation analysis focuses on studying the interactional organization of ongoing action and identities. My article puts these two inquiries together to explore the broader relevancies of situated talk and evidence the skillfulness of social actors in managing multi-scaled cultural memberships simultaneously. Approaching society as a processual accomplishment, this article investigates the instantiation of "societal membership" in a mundane institutional setting of broadcast television. The aim of the article is to experiment with how classical theoretical conceptualization can feed into methodological insight and how detailed empirical scrutiny can enrich our theoretical understanding of the mysteries of modern co-existence. This entails casting an analytic eye on the duality of structure and action. The article re-examines the structural scope of on-site interactional achievements. From an opposite angle, it highlights how integrative societal structures are made real and maintained in the art of interactional encounters. This two-way dynamic is exemplified by scrutinizing a fragment of a televised current affairs program. A set of theoretical key concepts is introduced to shed light on the societal orientations of participants in the opening talk of the program. The opening talk addresses an imaginary audience directly via the camera. It provides a view of the interactional methods used by journalists to invoke relevant identifications for the anticipated recipient at a distance. The encounter is imagined, yet instead of imagining a community in the reception, the analytic focus of the article is on actualizing society in the production of the talk. The spatially and temporally organized societal membership materializes in social relations and interdependencies, which are constituted through intersubjective interpretations, normative positionings, and interactional choices by intentional and knowledgeable actors in the routines of everyday life. The article reverse-engineers the relational framework of the deliberative public sphere enacted in mediated interaction as a collaborative scene of the democratic system. This is achieved by explicating the contextually embedded acts of societization taking place in a journalistically regulated field of participation by means of quasi-interactive public speech.

The emerging scientific public sphere in China's digital economy: Weibo discussions on facial recognition technology.

The present study investigates the Chinese public's perception toward the widely adopted (and often accused of misuse) technology of face recognition. Through topic modeling and a social network analysis of 151,654 Weibo posts, we examine the "content dimension" and the "actor dimension" of civic discussions on facial recognition technology. Our results demonstrate that there is rising social concern and skepticism directed at the commercial use of this biodata-collected technology in China's cyberspace, despite the state's adoption, supervision, and regulation of facial recognition technology being broadly granted. Moreover, while our findings illustrate an extent of openness and equality within the public debates on facial recognition technology, they also show the Chinese government becoming an important "interlocutor" within the said debates, with discursive engagement from industry and academia largely marginalized. Drawing on the results, we suggest that further investigation into the formation of China's scientific public sphere should be located within the broader context of China's vision of a centrally planned digital economy.

'It's Just Safer When I Don't Go There': Trans People's Locker Room Membership and Participation in Physical Activity.

Building on findings demonstrating that transgender and gender non-binary (trans) people's participation in physical activity is impacted by their experiences in locker rooms, this study examines how trans people navigate transphobia and cissexism in locker rooms. I consider the concepts of membership and belonging to illuminate how locker room access impacts trans people's participation in the public sphere. Drawing on interviews with trans people, this study suggests that-because of iterative encounters of surveillance, scrutiny, harassment, and violence-trans people regularly adopt strategies for navigating locker rooms as nonmembers. To access locker rooms despite a denial of membership, trans people employ various strategies to minimize the visibility of their transness and/or gender non-conformity through managing the perceived threat their gender expression poses to a "cisgendered reality." Strategies such as hurrying, avoiding nudity and eye contact, and recruiting ally support function to facilitate locker room access by minimizing attention to trans nonmembership. The findings of this study suggest that whiteness broadens the availability of strategies for navigating locker rooms. This study offers insight into how people respond to stigma, evade surveillance and exclusion, and access public space despite a denial of membership.

Why Good Employees Do Bad Things: The Link between Pro-Environmental Behavior and Workplace Deviance.

Despite the significance of pro-environmental behavior (PEB) in the workplace, most of the existing studies have neglected its negative work outcomes. Drawing upon moral licensing theory and cognitive dissonance theory, we construct a conceptual model of the influence mechanism of employees' PEB (i.e., public-sphere PEB, private-sphere PEB) on workplace deviance through psychological entitlement, and the moderating effect of rationalization of workplace deviance on the relationship between psychological entitlement and workplace deviance. Using two-stage survey data from 216 employees in China, we performed hierarchical regression analysis and structural equation modeling method to test our hypotheses. Our findings reveal that public-sphere PEB positively affects psychological entitlement, while private-sphere PEB negatively affects psychological entitlement. Psychological entitlement further positively affects workplace deviance. In addition, rationalization of workplace deviance strengthens the positive impact of psychological entitlement on workplace deviance. This study offers novel insights into the dark side of PEB literature by exploring the PEB-workplace deviance relationship. This study also contributes to managerial implications of how PEB leads to workplace deviance and how to address this issue.

Introduction: Science popularization, dictatorships, and democracies.

The study of science popularization in dictatorships, such as Franco's regime, offers a useful window through which to review definitions of controversial categories such as "popular science" and the "public sphere." It also adds a new analytical perspective to the historiography of dictatorships and their totalitarian nature. Moreover, studying science popularization in these regimes provides new tools for a critical analysis of key contemporary concepts such as nationalism, internationalism, democracy, and technocracy.

Leveraging Dynamic Heterogeneous Networks to Study Transnational Issue Publics. The Case of the European COVID-19 Discourse on Twitter.

The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic constitutes a critical phase for the transnationalization of public spheres. Against this backdrop, we ask how transnational COVID-19 related online discourse has been throughout the EU over the first year of the pandemic. Which events triggered higher transnational coherence or national structuration of this specific issue public on Twitter? In order to study these questions, we rely on Twitter data obtained from the TBCOV database, i.e., a dataset for multilingual, geolocated COVID-19 related Twitter communication. We selected corpora for the 27 member states of the EU plus the United Kingdom. We defined three research periods representing different phases of the pandemic, namely April (1st wave), August (interim) and December 2020 (2nd wave) resulting in a set of 51,893,966 unique tweets for comparative analysis. In order to measure the level and temporal variation of transnational discursive linkages, we conducted a spatiotemporal network analysis of so-called Heterogeneous Information Networks (HINs). HINs allow for the integration of multiple, heterogeneous network entities (hashtags, retweets, @-mentions, URLs and named entities) to better represent the complex discursive structures reflected in social media communication. Therefrom, we obtained an aggregate measure of transnational linkages on a daily base by relating these linkages back to their geolocated authors. We find that the share of transnational discursive linkages increased over the course of the pandemic, indicating effects of adaptation and learning. However, stringent political measures of crisis management at the domestic level (such as lockdown decisions) caused stronger national structuration of COVID-19 related Twitter discourse.

Trust, Identity, and Public-Sphere Pro-environmental Behavior in China: An Extended Attitude-Behavior-Context Theory.

Changing human behavior is critical to mitigating the increasingly severe environmental harm. Although numerous studies focus on private-sphere or generalized pro-environmental behavior (PEB), relatively little research examines explicitly public-sphere PEB from a collective action perspective. This study incorporates trust and identity into the Attitude-Behavior-Context (ABC) theory to investigate Chinese residents' participation in public-sphere PEB. Primary data collected from 648 residents in China tested the model empirically. The results indicate that social trust, environmentalist self-identity, and politicized identity positively predict public-sphere PEB and that institutional trust positively impacts non-activist behaviors but negatively relates to environmental activism. There is also evidence that trust and identity are moderators of attitude and public-sphere PEB. Specifically, social trust and environmentalist self-identity strengthen the effect of attitude on public-sphere PEB. Politicized identity increases the impact of attitude on environmental activism but not on non-activist behaviors, and there is no significant moderating effect of institutional trust. The findings deepen the understanding of public-sphere PEB and make more targeted policies accordingly.

Publicness and commoning: Pandemic intersections and collective visions at times of crisis.

In this article, we examine publicness during the pandemic, with a particular focus on the conditions it creates or constricts for engagement, solidarity and collective action. We interrogate the intensive publicness of the crisis to reflect on its assumed and established equation with progressive political possibility - transparency, accountability and democratic procedure. Theoretically, we cut into the contemporary ambiguity of publicness by putting it into conceptual dialogue with the idea of commoning, a notion that speaks to the resources and political consequences of coming together, and publicness not as coexistence and speech acts but as a domain of struggle. By considering the intersection of publicness and commoning, we aim to provide one way of thinking about how and when public revelation can be oriented towards material and political change. We propose three lines of examination: publicness without commoning; publicness with contingent commoning; and commoning without publicness.

Trying to make race science the "civil" science: charisma in the race and intelligence debates.

When studying science contexts, scholars typically position charismatic authority as an adjunct or something that provides a meaning-laden boost to rational authority. In this paper, we re-theorize these relationships. We re-center charismatic authority as an interpretive resource that allows scientists and onlookers to recast a professional conflict in terms of a public drama. In this mode, both professionals and lay enthusiasts portray involvement in the scientific process as a story of suppression and persecution, in which only a few remarkable figures can withstand scrutiny and take on challengers with dignity. Description and elaboration of these figures and the folklore surrounding them sets in motion the interpretive processes by which some actors become charismatic leaders and others charismatic followers within science, ultimately providing alternative symbolic resources for an embattled research agenda to accrue legitimacy. To illustrate, we use the case of Arthur Jensen - a deceased intelligence researcher and the intellectual father to contemporary texts like The Bell Curve - and the circles of hero worship that admirers inside and outside academia have created to praise him. Using this perspective to study Jensen and his admirers demonstrates how the perennial race and intelligence debates gain a kind of symbolic power, unrelated to their scientific merit or racist appeal, which enables such debates to thrive and persist in the public sphere. More generally, our approach identifies contemporary processes by which scientific ideas can gain public authority even when their intellectual merit has been deemed dubious.

[Discursive Alliances in the Debate on Migration?] / Diskursallianzen in der Migrationsdebatte?: Politischer Parallelismus zwischen Medien und Parteien im Framing der Flucht- und Asylmigration im Jahr 2018.

Our study on political parallelism in Germany examines the extent to which media reflect the parties' central frames in the debate on refugee and asylum migration. Thereby, we consider discursive alliances of individual media outlets and parties. In this context, we moreover address important questions of public sphere theory: Do the media function as organs of particular viewpoints, or do they set the ground for free opinion building by a broad and balanced representation of competing frames? In addition, we discuss the extent to which the media offer political parties a fair opportunity to make their positions observable to the public. Empirically, we analyze the extent of political parallelism based on a content analysis of 18 media outlets and official documents of the seven parties in the German Bundestag. At the level of issue-specific statements, we measure value-based frames. This approach enables us to describe the substance of mediated viewpoints concisely and to identify similarities between media and parties with regard to the framing of the issue. Furthermore, our method allows us to locate media and parties within the space of a basic political cleavage (integration vs. demarcation). Referring to a concept of political sociology enables us to describe the proximity and distance of media and parties in a condensed way.

Public Sphere in Crisis Mode: How the COVID-19 Pandemic Influenced Public Discourse and User Behaviour in the Swiss Twitter-sphere.

In modern democracies, large societal crises like the COVID-19 pandemic are accompanied by intensified public discourse about which policies and strategies are adequate to fight the crisis. In such times, the public sphere switches to crisis mode with fundamentally different communicative dynamics compared to routinised periods. Data from social media platforms like Twitter offers new possibilities to study such dynamics. However, comprehensive studies on how crises affect discourse in distinct national publics are missing up to now. Based on 1,762,262 tweets referring to COVID-19 written between 1 January and 30 April 2020 by 56,418 validated Swiss users, we illustrate how the lockdown of public life in Switzerland affected the discourse in the Swiss Twitter-sphere. Based on public sphere theories, we identify four crisis-related dimensions for our analysis. We show that the pandemic led to a narrowing of the topic agenda and to a more inwardly oriented public sphere with increased Twitter activity by experts. Furthermore, actors from the social periphery were able to reach the centre of public discourse with their tweets. Overall our study shows how methodological innovation allows us to better connect an empirical analysis with the concept of a public sphere as a communication network.

(De)Politicizing Polyamory: Social Media Comments on Media Representations of Consensual Non-Monogamies.

Our research sits at the intersection of communication studies, sociology, cyberculture, and political philosophy and theory. In 2014, a 10+-min segment on polyamory aired on Portuguese open-access national television, during the prime-time newscast, and was viewed by several million people, according to official reports. The news piece was also advertised and shared online, especially via Facebook, by the network's official page. Moreover, the piece was aired within the context of a segment that celebrated the 40-year anniversary of the 1974 liberal revolution that overthrew the right-wing dictatorial regime that ruled Portugal for more than half of the twentieth century. This context served to frame polyamory (alongside other topics) as explicitly political by presenting them as freedoms seized by that liberal revolution. This study used a mixed-method approach to the analysis of online comments on Facebook made with respect to the referred news piece, by deploying both content analysis and critical discourse analysis to try to understand how the political nature of polyamory is negotiated (affirmed or disavowed), and what ideal of the "political" is mobilized in that negotiation, in connection with other elements of intimate citizenship and modes of systemic discrimination. Through this analysis, we will deepen our understanding of how lay people construe the "political" and the (non-)politicalness of polyamory. It also helps advance contemporary understandings of how polyamory is represented in mainstream media, understood by audiences, and how media-and debates on online social networks-can both amplify and help fight against harmful stereotypes of minorities. Through this research, we contribute to political theory by opening up new ways of conceptualizing the realm of the political as an open-ended definition that must encompass changes in modes of sociality, including a politics of relating as a sub-field, likewise to the study of social movements, and their strategies, around consensual non-monogamies. Overall, results show that the recognition of the validity of polyamory is not the same as the realization that relationship orientation is a political issue in itself and that a privatized mode of understanding politics seems prevalent as well as the default framework used in the comments we analyzed. In addition to that, and as other research has already noted, incivility and hate speech was prevalent in online comments and discussions, further dampening the political potential of dissident modes of existence, especially given that incivility is also deployed by those speaking in favor of Othered identities and experiences.

Public Actors Without Public Values: Legitimacy, Domination and the Regulation of the Technology Sector.

The scale and asymmetry of commercial technology firms' power over people through data, combined with the increasing involvement of the private sector in public governance, means that increasingly, people do not have the ability to opt out of engaging with technology firms. At the same time, those firms are increasingly intervening on the population level in ways that have implications for social and political life. This creates the potential for power relations of domination, and demands that we decide what constitutes the legitimacy to act on the public. Business ethics and private law are not designed to answer these questions, which are primarily political. If people have lost the right to disengage with commercial technologies, we may need to hold the companies that offer them to the same standards to which we hold the public sector. This paper first defines the problem and demonstrates that it is significant and widespread, and then argues for the development of an overarching normative framework for what constitutes non-domination with regard to digital technologies. Such a framework must involve a nuanced idea of political power and accountability that can respond not only to the legality of corporate behaviour, but to its legitimacy.

A summer of phobias: media discourses on 'radical' acts of dissent against 'mass tourism' in Barcelona.

In the summer of 2017, the young group Arran coordinated a series of protests in Barcelona and other Spanish cities to denounce the negative effects of global mass tourism. These acts of dissent fueled a heated public debate in both Spanish and international press, mainly due to the 'radical' tactics employed by the demonstrators. Following the narratives about these protest acts across a diversity of media outlets, this article identifies the complex power struggles between the different actors involved in the discussion on the benefits and externalities of global mass tourism, offering an extensive analysis of the political uses of the term 'turismofobia' (tourismphobia) and a revisited interpretation of the notion of the 'protest paradigm'. This qualitative analysis was based on more than 700 media texts (including news articles, op eds and editorials) collected through the database Factiva, from January 2014 to December 2017.

"Can we agree on that"? Plurality, power and language in participatory research.

Participatory epidemiology (PE) is a method that gathers data from groups through focus group interviews and participatory visual and scoring exercises. The method is often used in poor communities in low-income countries where it is hard to obtain conventional epidemiological data. This paper draws on research on the public sphere and democratic deliberation, along with research on language and interpretation, to suggest how PE research could be better equipped to account for diversity in local knowledge, include minority views and acknowledge power dynamics. These aspects are discussed under the three themes of 'plurality', 'power' and 'language'. A review of highly-cited PE literature suggests that PE research engages with plurality and power to a very limited extent, and only marginally more so with language and translation. Examples are taken from the authors' own PE research on African swine fever in -Uganda, classical swine fever in Germany, peste des petits ruminants (PPR) in Eastern Europe, and Ugandan pastoralists' understanding of cattle disease to provide more detail as to why conventional PE studies might fail to record issues of plurality, power and language, and also to suggest how this can be addressed. With reference to the literature on the public sphere and democratic deliberation, and on language and interpretation, this paper concludes with some suggestions as to how to take plurality, power and language into greater consideration in PE studies in future, thus improving the validity and reliability of PE data.

Los orígenes del Museo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología (MUNCYT) y la construcción del patrimonio científico-tecnológico en la España de la transición / The origins of the National Museum of Science and Technology (MUNCYT) and the construction of the scientific-technological heritage in Spain during the transition

El Museo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología (MUNCYT) fue fundado en 1980. Establecido en plena transición de la dictadura franquista hacia la democracia, un período en el que la ciencia y la tecnología fueron vistos como elementos cruciales para la modernización de España, el estudio de la creación del MUNCYT permite explorar algunas de las continuidades y discontinuidades que existieron entre el régimen franquista y el sistema democrático establecido tras la muerte del dictador en 1975. Curiosamente, el MUNCYT fue creado sin colecciones y no fue hasta 1982 que los primeros instrumentos llegaron al museo. Como muestra este artículo, la adquisición de estos instrumentos incorporó una retórica política específica que puede analizarse a la luz de los usos políticos de la historia de la ciencia y del papel desempeñado por los museos de ciencia y tecnología en tales prácticas (AU)

Employee-Organization Pro-environmental Values Fit and Pro-environmental Behavior: The Role of Supervisors' Personal Values.

This study examines the relationship among the employees-organization pro-environmental values fit (E-O PEVs fit), supervisors' PEVs and employees' pro-environmental behaviors (PEB). Informed by the PEB, organizational values and employee-organization fit literature, we propose and test hypotheses that under egoistic, altruistic and biosphere-value orientations, E-O PEVs fit versus non-fit have significant effects on employees' private-sphere PEB and public-sphere PEB, identifying supervisors' PEVs as a moderator. An empirical investigation indicates that the effect of E-O PEVs fit on employees' private-sphere PEB and public-sphere PEB varies as the value orientation differs. More specifically, under the context of altruistic and biosphere-value orientations, if the organizational PEVs do not match the employees' PEVs, especially when the former exceeds the latter, employees' PEB will rise as the organizational PEVs increase. As for egoistic value orientation, when organizational PEVs exceed employees' PEVs, not only will public-sphere PEB stop decreasing and tend to stabilize, but also private-sphere PEB will rise to a slight degree. Furthermore, compared with altruistic and biospheric values dimensions, supervisors who promote egoistic PEVs will have a more significant effect on the relationship between global E-O PEVs fit and employees' PEB. Finally, we suggest that the goals of an organization and its supervisors need to be combined within the actual situation of Chinese corporations to truly implement corporate green practices by balancing the profit goal and the environmental goal.

As assimetrias da esfera pública e a efetivação dos direitos das minorias: as audiências públicas do STF a partir dos novos movimentos sociais / The asymmetries of the public sphere and the effectiveness of the rights of minorities: the public hearings of Brazilian Supreme Court from the new social movement

A discussão do acesso à justiça e das formas de garantir a participação popular é uma constante de diversas teorias que criticam a efetividade e legitimação do Direito e dos seus instrumentos e instituições. Em um mundo globalizado, a maior facilidade de comunicação acaba gerando uma aparência de amplo acesso à informação, além da presunção de debates com pareamento de forças entre os atores políticos de um sistema desigual. Entretanto, como bem aponta Nancy Fraser, quando se trata da realidade dos movimentos sociais compostos por minorias econômicas, raciais, de gênero e sexualidade, assimetrias relacionadas a certos status sociais mostram que não basta simplesmente o acesso formal a arenas políticas, na medida em que vozes adquirem diferentes pesos. Dito isso, o presente artigo tem como objetivo primordial abordar a questão das audiências públicas do STF em meio às pressões dos novos movimentos sociais. Para tanto, serão tratadas as características e diferenças presentes nessas novas formas de mobilização política, ao passo em que se discute a capacidade da esfera pública atender as demandas dos grupos minoritários.

The discussion of access to justice and ways of guaranteeing popular participation is a constant of several theories that criticize the effectiveness and legitimacy of Law and its instruments and institutions. In a globalized world, the greater ease of communication ends up generating an appearance of broad access to information, as well as the presumption of power-sharing debates among political actors in an unequal system. As pointed out by Nancy Fraser, when we are dealing with economic, gender, sex and race minorities, asymmetries related to certain social statuses show that it is not enough to have formal access to political arenas since voices weight different. That said, the main objective of this article is to address the issue of the public hearings of Brazil’s Supreme Court in the midst of the pressures of the new social movements. To that end, the characteristics and differences present in these new forms of political mobilization will be addressed, while the capacity of the public sphere to meet the demands of minority groups will be discussed.

Reference to Self and Other in the Digital Public Sphere: The Case of Political Blogs.

In this paper, we analyze how a political blog author (Spanish Alejo Vidal-Quadras) establishes the reference to self and other in his blog entries. We furthermore look into how the commentators to this blog react and establish reference to self and other in the digital public sphere. More concretely, we show that they not only take up the references established by the main blog author but also create new references. These allow, on the one hand, for profiling themselves as part of a group and, on the other hand, identifying their interlocutor among the variety of possible interlocutors in the digital public sphere. By addressing different interlocutors, the commentators turn the comments section into a dialogic space, a dimension that is lacking in the main blog entries. However, the fact that they almost invariably identify interlocutors other than Vidal-Quadras but address Vidal-Quadras without explicitly identifying him, shows that Vidal-Quadras remains the main ratified interlocutor in view of his ownership of the blog. This paper shows then how participants in the digital public sphere create a complex relationship of self and other reference in political blogs.